10.27.10

“Regulatory Spawn” and Proxy Advisors

Posted in Blog at 2:14 pm by Andrew Clearfield

On October 26th, 2010, a piece written by John Carney of CNBC was published and spread around the internet, claiming that the proxy advisors were similar to the credit ratings agencies in that their judgments were similarly biased (in the case of the proxy advisors “by a small clique  . . . whose interest may conflict with clients”) and that the only reason these existed at all was because of a regulatory mandate, which required institutional investors to protect themselves by voting in accord with the advisors’ recommendations.  Larry Ribstein of the U. of Illinois College of Law, in his regular blog, “Truth on the Market,” noted the article with approval: http://truthonthemarket.com/2010/10/26/proxy-advisors-as-regulatory-spawn/.  I felt that the analogy was not only misplaced, but particularly insidious, because it denied the potential utility of both, and because it deliberately confused the very different business models of the two industries.  I responded:

Larry,

Of course, we never had abuses of power by directors and chief executives before the regulators started empowering shareholders, did we?

The problem of the power of the proxy advisors is analogous to that of the credit rating agencies for only one reason: most institutional investors refuse to dedicate any resources to dealing with these issues, so they outsource it.  If instead of regarding governance issues as a nuisance artificially created by regulators, they attempted to integrate consideration of them into their investment process, they would (a) be capable of making independent judgments rather than merely trying to cover their rear ends by relying solely on someone else’s opinion, and (b) they would then be in a position to make a fuss only about governance issues they themselves deemed substantive—but they would really make a fuss about those.

There is another important analogy with credit rating: as we saw in 2007 – 2008, it wasn’t that the debt ratings were unimportant, it was that they had been corrupted. And they were corrupted because bond investors relied upon somebody’s measure of risk, but refused to pay anything for it themselves. So the issuers paid instead. Similarly, one may argue that the voting recommendations can be important (yes, most of them are routine, but in that case, there’s no controversy), and that they key issue is only whether the system has been corrupted or not. The analogy to the credit rating system would only hold if the companies themselves were paying for the governance advisors’ recommendations. There have been accusations that ISS has some conflicts of interest due to the fact that they also have a consulting service for issuers, but they claim to be careful to avoid those conflicts, and the complaint Mr. Carney is making is that on the contrary, the recommendations are anti-management.  (The other major proxy advisors have no such conflicts in any case.)  For the analogy to hold, one must argue that the credit ratings agencies were an unnecessary nuisance because ratings they had issued on a lot of paper were too low, not that they were in fact far too high.

I agree that it would be better if more investors did some research on these issues and thought for themselves, rather than relying entirely upon third-party recommendations. But they would have to be prepared to spend a bit more on staff dedicated to considering these issues from an investment point of view. As it is, there is an almost total lack of coordination between corporate governance and investing at most institutions in the U.S.  Then, when something that has been flagged for years goes very wrong, the portfolio managers who had ignored the risk run screaming to their lawyers, and a raft of after-the-fact litigation results.   In such cases, any recoveries are paid for by the other shareholders.  Is this really the better way to run this particular railroad?

Another contributor, Douglas Levene, responded to my post by arguing that I had avoided the central issue, that there was no economic incentive for institutions to pay attention to agency costs anyway, and they were only doing a minimal job of it because it had been mandated by regulators.  Again, I think this is a dangerous misconception that needed to be met head on:

Douglas,

You’re assuming that they are correct in believing (if they really believe) that there is no economic incentive for monitoring agency costs. Actually, there are two: one, that more and more of their clients are demanding it; two, that poor governance is a risk factor, and correlates over the longer term with poor (often spectacularly poor) performance.

I know, there are some studies that claim to demonstrate otherwise, but they were, I believe, poorly constructed in two respects. First, they almost always looked for positive correlations between high governance scores and outperformance; governance is not a positive performance factor for the same reason that being law-abiding is not a sufficient reason in itself to hire someone—it’s an important requirement, not a sign of growth or performance potential. Second, most of the studies were event-driven. As with most risk factors, the event does not occur when the risks are first taken, and certainly not when they are ameliorated—they will occur somewhere down the road. As a veteran portfolio manager, I can assure you that plenty of investors who were told they might be supping with the devil, but thought they would have time to get out safely, ended up losing barrelfuls of money.

Meanwhile, there are plenty of other long-term studies which indicate the opposite, beginning with the landmark study of Gompers, Ishii, and Metrick (2003) which demonstrated an 8.5% annual performance spread from S&P constituents over the 1990s between the highest quintile on IRRC ratings, and the lowest.  The sample was re-balanced each year, so that survivor bias should not have been a major factor.  My own examination of the data indicated that about two-thirds of this return came from avoiding the low-rated components, which confirms my view that much of the benefit from governance monitoring is in minimizing risk.

There is another issue: many institutions do not pay for an in-house governance program primarily because their directors or trustees passionately hate the idea. They hate the idea because they are also CEOs and directors of other companies which may at some point be the object of governance concerns. It’s a conflict of interest problem as much as it is a problem of demonstrating and quantifying the economic incentives.

Yes: in an ideal efficient market, higher agency costs will translate rapidly into a higher cost of capital and underperformance. The problem is that this assumes (a) that the market is monitoring those agency costs itself, and (b) that real-life capital markets are efficient. I think we have had enough practical experience with the algorithms of efficient-market theorists  in recent years to demonstrate that markets are far from perfect, or at least that when they do return to equilibrium it is sometimes with a very long lag and often a violent over-correction. As for the market being potentially a sufficient monitor of agency costs, this is contrary to the author’s hypothesis that monitoring these factors is a waste of time.  If  everyone is ignoring them, the invisible hand of the market will have no effect.  It is true that the market could serve this function in theory, (which would create a free-rider problem), but this issue would not be solved by abolishing (or crippling) proxy advisors, nor by recommending that all investors vote blindly with management.

10.25.10

Ballot-box Stuffing on Behalf of Retail Investors

Posted in Blog at 6:47 pm by Andrew Clearfield

The Wall Street Journal ran a piece on Friday, October 22nd, stating and appearing to give support for a proposed rules change that proxy voting by retail shareholders should be encouraged by permitting shareholders to leave standing instructions with their brokers or custodians to vote their shares in a particular way—e.g., always in support of management recommendations, or always in support of all resolutions, rather than requiring them to return a proxy card with their decisions regarding that particular election indicated on it.  This proposition is favored by many issuers and by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce as a way to “level the playing field,” i.e., to restore the situation that prevailed before the broker vote of unvoted shares for directors was abolished, and before the proposed reforms of the proxy process come into effect.  This blatant attempt to restore ballot stuffing in behalf of incumbent boards has reminded me of nothing so much as election procedures in totalitarian states (e.g., the former Soviet Union), and I was moved to write the author of the article:

Dear Ms. Holzer:

If you agree with the U.S. Chamber of Commerce that business needs a “level playing field” to offset the ‘case-by-case approach’ of the institutions, I have another wonderful proposition for you:

    • a law that guarantees high voter turnout in U.S. elections by allowing registered voters to have ‘standing instructions’ that their vote should be automatically cast for their affiliated party’s candidate or for the incumbent official.  They could always change their standing instructions to a different set of standing instructions if they bother to, remember to, or are allowed to by the authorities (who, after all, should have the last word).

It is an absolute scandal that voter participation in U.S. elections is so low—bordering on 50%—when it is so much higher in other countries such as North Korea, Iran, or Zimbabwe.  We need to get out more voters to create a level playing field so that our elections cannot be dominated by malcontents and special-interest voters who seek to overturn the established order and create chaos throughout the legislatures and cabinet rooms of our country!

Similarly, If you agree with IBM that ISS and other third-party proxy advisors who have such tremendous influence, but no economic interest in a company should be stopped, I’m sure you would be in favor of a law preventing third parties such as the Wall Street Journal from airing their influential opinions on matters in which they have no direct interest, such as tax policy, monetary policy, and the attitudes towards private property of various foreign powers.  Just think of how much easier it would be for policy makers to operate effectively without all these noisome distractions from uninvolved parties!

Sincerely,

Dr. Andrew Clearfield

President

Investment Initiatives LLC

10.06.10

How do we get Financial Intermediaries to Police Themselves?

Posted in Blog at 2:20 pm by Andrew Clearfield

Patience Wheatcroft, one of the Wall St. Journal Europe’s regular contributors, had a piece on a U.K. regulator’s seeming willingness to add corporate culture to the list of things for financial regulators to attempt to control.  The occasion was a speech by Hector Sants, who was until recently head of the British Financial Services Authority, at the Mansion House on the subject, “Should a regulator seek to regulate culture?”  I had known Hector well in his earlier life as an analyst and stockbroker, and regard him as a thoughtful and intelligent commentator on the scene as well as a regulator.  While I understand that anyone with the slightest belief in free markets finds points where it makes sense to say, ‘enough already!’ I have long believed that the problem of contemporary investment banking culture needs to be addressed in some form.  This was my response to her article, on October 5th, 2010:

The problem is, that as trite as it might sound, it is the radical changes in corporate culture at the major financial institutions that created the environment for 2008′s crash. The changes in corporate culture at the investment banks in the late ’80s and early ’90s were palpable. There were always unscrupulous players before, of course, but even before these were caught out, they were usually mistrusted by most of the rest of the industry. Suddenly, over a period of less than 20 years (my impression was that it never took more than about 10 in any given country, with the U.S. leading the way) the ethos became, “Anything goes, if it makes enough money.” The question is, how do you get the genie back in the bottle?

It may be that the only way to stop individuals from reckless behavior, once the psychological barrier against unethical behavior has been broken, is to police them much more closely. This puts an intolerable burden on markets, and on regulators as well. An alternative is to consider a world in which, unlike that of our present financial markets, everyone at a firm knows what everyone else does for a living. This implies smaller, more specialized firms, and partnership-like arrangements. If someone is cutting ethical corners with what is partly your own money, you will try to rein in the behavior, or see that someone else reins it in. As long as it’s someone else’s money, you are far more likely to say, ‘What the hell,’ and let it go.

Such a radical change in market structures and financing may have all sorts of negative implications for growth, which should be studied carefully, before any such radical a reform is contemplated. But it should be considered seriously, because, as behavior within large bureaucracies has always shown (consider government agencies, police states, and the rest), individual responsibility declines in inverse proportion to the size of the organization. If there is only a limited degree of personal (read, ‘economic’) identification with it, then the process accelerates.